Nigeria’s uncanny romance with ethnic militias got an official boost recently when two distinctly dodgy groups, with notorious antecedents of constant brushes with the law, emerged as the chief campaigners for both the sacking of the Independent National Electoral Commission boss, Attahiru Jega, and the reelection of President Goodluck Jonathan. As expected, due to their violent antecedents, both the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra and the Oodua Peoples Congress reportedly disturbed public peace in Awka, Anambra State and Lagos State respectively as they took to the streets to drive home their points.
What was striking about the incidents was the conduct of both groups during their demonstrations. While, in Awka, reports had it that MASSOB’s protest march was relatively peaceful in that people were not harassed, the same could not be said of the conduct of the OPC members in Lagos. They were armed and aggressive towards passers-by, mostly workers trying to beat the usual early morning rush to be at their duty posts. Clad mostly in T-shirts with the ruling Peoples Democratic Party inscriptions and President Goodluck Jonathan’s pictures on them, the Lagos protesters, who were interspersed with some Nollywood actors, also wielded weapons, namely guns, knives, machetes, cutlasses and broken bottles.
Although no record of death or injury that usually goes with such outings was recorded, it is however surprising that state security agents, who are often quick to disperse groups, even when the peaceful intent of their gathering is well known, did not so much as raise a finger against an armed group that constituted a public threat to peace. Rather, they gave the protesters armed protection, as they rolled out about 100 buses and held up traffic for hours on end.
A lot seems to point to the ominous nature of this unholy alliance between the President and groups such as the OPC and MASSOB. Barely two years ago, Jonathan had, in a mid-term report to mark the 2013 Democracy Day, told Nigerians, “The nation faces three fundamental security challenges posed by extremist groups like Boko Haram in the North, the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra in the South-East, and the Oodua Peoples Congress in the South-West.”
Notably, about a week after the groups marched in solidarity with the President, he has not come out to dissociate himself from them, which is not surprising as the rowdy demonstrators came in buses marked with his campaign banners. Perhaps, Nigerians should now believe that they have turned a new leaf and are no longer the same people he likened to Boko Haram just 22 months ago.
What happened in Awka and Lagos should not come as a complete surprise to those who are familiar with the run-up to elections in this country. During such periods, unscrupulous politicians hire and prop up groups, who are used to fight their battles for them. In many cases, such groups are armed with sophisticated weapons and are unleashed on election days to snatch ballot boxes and chase away voters. Little wonder that the two groups had listed, among their numerous grouses against Jega, the proposed employment of card readers during the upcoming elections.
With the new development, it will be difficult to dismiss reports that some of these militant groups had been pencilled in for multi-billion naira security contract awards by the Federal Government, probably to buy them over. In a recent report, the founder of the OPC, Frederick Fasehun, had confirmed that his company was among those being considered for the contracts. It could therefore mean that the outings are perhaps meant to potentially repay the compliment.
But it is also pertinent to cast our minds back to the recent security challenges the nation has been facing, which have been traced, in the main, to the inadvertent creation of violent groups by politicians for the purpose of winning elections. Once the elections are over, such groups suddenly lose their relevance, and are cast into the society to fend for themselves. People who are armed and had been used to being spoon-fed, suddenly have to look after themselves. It is only natural that they fall back on their arms for survival.
The result is the proliferation of violent crimes such as armed robbery, kidnapping and gang wars by groups seeking, in a mafia-like manner, to control areas for the purpose of extorting so-called protection fees. It has also been alleged that both the militancy in the Niger Delta and Boko Haram in the North-East of the country came about through this same means.
From the experience of trying to end militancy in the Niger Delta and Boko Haram in the North, it is clear that such outfits, once created, are usually difficult to eliminate. Under the threat of militants, Nigeria’s oil production quota of over two million barrels per day dropped to about 1.3 million bpd, as the militants sabotaged oil facilities and engaged the Nigerian military in a seemingly unending war of attrition. It was only an initiative of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua to grant the militants lavish cash awards, veiled as amnesty, that ended the insurgency and the bleeding of the economy.
In the case of the Boko Haram terrorists, it has become obvious that the Nigerian Army alone can no longer successfully dislodge the group, after six years of full-blown war has proved abortive in doing so. The country has only been able to make noted progress after going into alliances with her neighbours in Cameroon, Chad and Niger Republic.
If, without official funding, the two groups, the OPC and MASSOB, were deemed to be security threats, what could become of them when empowered with contracts can only be imagined. It is therefore important to sound a note of warning about that dangerous alliance. For now, people can only see the beginning; nobody knows how it will end.
