Stunning revelations of stolen money and properties seized last week confirmed Nigeria’s rating as “fantastically corrupt” and re-fired the imperative of ramping up the anti-corruption war. From the almost $10 million found with a former oil sector executive, to the N42 billion found in a bogus bank account, to the over $150 million and multi-billion naira properties owned by a former minister, the scale of the corruption beggars belief and provokes anger at the faltering assault on graft. Muhammadu Buhari should urgently revamp and re-strategise or see his presidency suffer ignominious defeat in the hands of corruption.
The revelations are shocking, confirming that the magnitude of corruption is greater than often perceived and frustrating to Nigerians who are baffled that despite serial exposure of industrial scale looting, no single high profile person has been convicted since this government took office 21 months ago. The recent cases are typical. Reports said $153 million and several properties were allegedly illegally acquired by a former Petroleum Resources Minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke. Shortly after, 62 houses were traced to a public official, coming just after 47 mint-new cars were recovered from another. Information Minister, Lai Mohammed, said $136.67 million was found in an account with a fake identity; N7 billion and $15 million from someone and N1 billion from another.
In Kaduna, the discovery of $9.7 million and £74,000 cash stashed in a nondescript house allegedly owned by Andrew Yakubu, a former group managing director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, provoked much anger among residents of the impoverished neighbourhood. Meanwhile, there are ongoing trials arising from the $2.1 billion arms fund shared among politicians; trials for massive looting at NIMASA; trials of about 17 ex-governors, and of some judges, including two from the Supreme Court.
Two issues stand out from all these and other revelations: one is that the scale of corruption in Nigeria is greater than imagined by all experts; the second and most disheartening is that the war on graft is faltering; not only from a ferocious push-back, but also from a lack of clearly-defined strategy. While he scores an A for his passion for probity, Buhari undermines his own credibility by a lack of strategy. A general that goes to war without careful planning invites a humiliating defeat. Unless he now re-appraises, re-strategises and acts swiftly and firmly, his sole electoral attraction of fighting corruption may dissolve in ignominy.
Corruption, according to the UNDP, undermines development, “steals resources and opportunities to improve their lives from the most vulnerable and hinders economic development.” No wonder that despite earning about $300 billion from crude oil in the five years to 2014, according to a former top official of the NNPC, Tim Okon, 64 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line, said a United Nations September 2016 report, down from 51.6 per cent in 2004 as reported by the National Bureau of Statistics. Many Nigerians, including the educated and economists, who ought to know better, gloss over the central role corruption played in the current recession. Ibrahim Magu, acting Chairman of the EFCC, has no such illusions, telling an interviewer at the weekend that “about 90 per cent of the cause of recession is corruption.” We should continue to remind ourselves of the great disservice previous administrations, especially the lootocracy presided over by Goodluck Jonathan, did to Nigeria. Following the crash in oil prices, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iran, Kuwait and other major oil producers had buffers from the last boom to fall back on, while Nigeria had squandered hers.
However, Buhari fails a major test of leadership by not successfully crafting a realistic strategy against corruption, which he said would destroy Nigeria if we don’t destroy it. He came into office believing that his mere presence would make everything else fall in place. Fighting corruption, however, requires adequate preparation, robust strategy and proper coordination.
Since it is pervasive, there should have been a plan to tame corruption in the judiciary from the start: our judges have for long taken sides with the corrupt and electoral bandits, helping Politically Exposed Persons delay and evade justice. Is Buhari satisfied with the ICPC, whose head, a Jonathan appointee, once notoriously agreed with his principal that “stealing is not corruption”? The ICPC is a weak link in the anti-corruption war; its claim of recovering N8.7 billion and 124 vehicles in 2016 is underwhelming, given the magnitude of the plunder. When Singapore set out to confront corruption, it reviewed public service emoluments, focussed on the judiciary, police and customs and diligently sought out gifted individuals to run strategic agencies. Holdovers from the previous era with no proven anti-graft credentials like the heads of the ICPC and Police Service Commission should be replaced with individuals who have demonstrable passion to fight corruption.
A fatal flaw in the anti-graft war is the absence of a coordinator with full presidential backing to coordinate the assault to avoid the glaring inter-service rivalry. Responsibilities should be shared, spelling out the roles of the State Security Service, Police, EFCC, ICPC and the Office of the Attorney-General in investigation, prosecution and legal defence. Buhari should compel the Inspector-General of Police to accord priority to fighting corruption, beginning with the tainted Nigeria Police Force.
For the war to gain traction and credibility, Nigerians need to see convictions beyond the N78 billion, $185 million and £11,250 that Magu said had been recovered in the 11 months to October 2016, or jailing of advance fee fraudsters. How about top politicians? Government should tidy up its investigation and prosecution. It should intensify the onslaught on corrupt judges. The judiciary should join in this crusade to save Nigeria from ruin.
Buhari himself should clean up. His continued retention of Babachir Lawal as Secretary to the Government of the Federation and the hasty clearance for corruption charges against him are unwise. He needs to drop other top aides indicted to save his credibility. Shielding indicted aides, promoting sectionalism and indecisiveness undermine the anti-corruption drive.
In the end, however, when the government, the legislature and the courts cannot be relied upon, it is the people that can rescue themselves from the tyranny of corruption. Nigerians should closely follow unfolding events in Romania, South Korea and Brazil where, unlike here where the convicted felon, James Ibori, is feted and celebrated, people are angry and marching peacefully on the streets to shape policy against graft. Public protests forced out President Park Geun-hye in South Korea, compelled the repeal of a pro-corruption law in Romania and influenced the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, proving that, indeed, power ultimately belongs to the people.
But a people, who, as a public commentator noted, “tolerate corruption and celebrate the corrupt,” make the war on corruption difficult to win.
